The Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) will focus on seeking a peaceful resolution to the “Sino-Tibet conflict”, looking after the welfare of the Tibetan diaspora in India and other countries, and adopting technology to improve governance, Penpa Tsering, the Sikyong or head of the administration, has said as he begins his second term.
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Tsering, who was sworn in on May 27 after being re-elected as Sikyong, told HT in an exclusive interview that the Tibetan leadership still has back-channel contacts with China and these will continue, though the communications are “inconsequential right now”. He also spoke about engaging the world community to focus on the “middle way” of greater autonomy for Tibet. Edited excerpts:
What are your priorities and focus areas for your second term as Sikyong?
We have three main tasks for the next five years. One, try to seek a resolution to the Sino-Tibet conflict. If you look at the policies of the communist dispensation in Beijing, it doesn’t look like there is much space. We do have some back channels which we always mention but nothing consequential. Till a sensible leadership comes to Beijing and resolves the Sino-Tibet conflict in a non-violent way that will be lasting, we have to reach out to the international community. We’ve been speaking about the middle way, trying to find genuine autonomy between the historical status of Tibet as an independent state and today’s occupied Tibet under the repressive communist government. A genuine autonomy, because Tibet is already called Tibet Autonomous Region. We have to seek recognition for the historical status of Tibet as an independent state, so that China may be forced to negotiate with us, to gain value and leverage for the middle way.
Two, unlike other exiled communities, we have to look after the welfare of Tibetan communities in India and Nepal, and make sure the unity of Tibetans spread across more than 28 countries remains intact. We have to finish a lot of infrastructural work, mainly public infrastructure, schools, hospitals and governance offices. That will be one more step towards greater sustainability of the Tibetan movement. We will take care of the poor, destitute and old – this is the [Dalai Lama’s] advice – and build leadership within the younger generations of Tibetans. We will continue to try to bring vibrancy into the compact communities, the “small Tibets”, in different states in India. That will add to the sustainability of the movement in the long term.
Three, to do all this we have to increase the efficiency of the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala and our offices wherever there are Tibetan communities in the diaspora. We have moved towards e-governance suitable for our conditions. Now we will move towards AI-aided governance. We have never lagged behind in using technology, we will be moving towards those tools to achieve these ends.
What is the status of back channel contacts with China?
It continues and everybody claims this is an important channel and that when the right time comes, it will be useful. They [Chinese] don’t want us even to say the back channels are going on, that’s the Chinese way of doing things. But we can’t lie about it. If we are asked questions, I cannot lie about it.
[The back channel] is active unless they want to stop. We have no intention to stop. But as I keep saying, it’s inconsequential right now because of the atmosphere…in China. At present, unless the top leadership decides something, the mid-level and bottom level hesitate to do anything. Because at this point of time, nobody knows whether they are going to get praised or get whipped for what they do. There is some level of inertia in the bureaucracy, which will harm the Chinese administration also.
Your second term starts at a time when the US administration is looking to rebalance ties with China, and India and China are trying to reset their ties after the problems in Galwan Valley. Have these developments affected the issue of Tibet?
As we approach global politics, we have not seen much visible change. I think any side that’s engaging with another side primarily as an adversary, always looks for leverage and issues that can be of benefit in the process of putting their interest first. So we may be one too in the process. Both India and the US are democratic, free countries, unlike China, which is autocratic. That is the basic difference. If there has to be genuine progress, then there has to be trust, either between leaders or nations. Without trust, it’s very difficult to carry forward in the longer term. Because of the evolving global political and economic situations, countries may have to resort to strategic approaches that meet their interests in the immediate term.
How much has the Trump administration’s decision to wind up USAID affected the Tibetan people? Will you take up this issue when you travel to the US this month?
This is one of the reasons we need a little more clarity about how we are going to cooperate, collaborate and work together under the assistance of US Congressional appropriations. It’s already decided USAID will be closed down by the end of September. There will be a new mechanism to oversee foreign assistance that has been retained or the Trump administration decides to give to countries or peoples. When these drastic changes happen and the reduction of staff at the US state department, everything affects the system, which has to develop a structure to oversee all these programmes. This is taking a little time but we are fortunate since the US government decided to give half of the grants back to Tibetans last year.
Has the posting of US ambassador Sergio Gor as a special envoy for the region helped in any way?
We’ve been seeing continued engagements, whether it’s our visit to Washington or the state department’s visit or the embassy’s visit to Dharamsala. It’s been increasing over the years. With ambassador Gor in Delhi, in charge of Central and South Asia and also as special envoy of President Trump, it adds value to this relationship and the appointment of the special coordinator for Tibetan issues, assistant secretary Riley Barnes, has come at the beginning of the second year of Trump’s second term. In the first term, it was done in the fourth year. The messages that secretary of state Marco Rubio has sent on different occasions have been very consistent in their support for Tibet. A majority of US funding has been cut to many parts of the world. We are one of the few who managed to retain half and we managed to put some funding in the 2026 appropriation to be implemented from October 1. If you look at all this, their position is consistent despite the ups and downs between China and the US. It’s a challenge for us to remain afloat in the very turbulent political storms taking place.
Could you give an update on the Dalai Lama’s health after his surgery? With China insisting it will decide on his reincarnation, what is the latest on this matter?
There was a little deterioration in [the Dalai Lama’s] health since COVID due to inactivity. His Holiness underwent the right knee surgery in the US and took some time to recover. The surgery on his left knee has been very successful. Over the last several months and years, His Holiness has said that as long as I’m fit, I will keep serving humanity.
Even when he’s about to turn 91, he meets with 350 to 500 people from across the world every Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Over the last few months, we’ve seen him increase the frequency of public audiences by holding them every day except Sunday. So his health is doing very well. The Chinese government doesn’t have to ask us questions about his health because every single time His Holiness has an audience, it’s on YouTube and they can watch from Beijing and see how his health is.
About His Holiness’ reincarnation, the process starts only when the lama leaves this world, not before that. When His Holiness keeps saying I’ll live up to 130, for us it’s too early to think about all this. Then there will be divinations, indications, references to oracles, consultations with higher lamas from different traditions, but the main responsibility will lie with the Gaden Phodrang Trust of the Dalai Lama, which is very different from what the Chinese are saying – that they will follow traditions and be the final ones to put the seal on it.
There is nothing new in our approach. What we have been trying is to convince the world about the process of reincarnation that is very unique to Tibetan Buddhism and how China is trying to politicise all this.
Are you satisfied with the Indian stand on this issue?
I always believe India will be on the right side of history in these matters.
